Television and I grew up together. This is our story. Latest in a series.
In 1973 or so I went back from Cambridge to Greensburg to visit my
parents and family.
My old bedroom had
been converted to a den a few years before, and the huge console television set
there was now on its last legs, with an uncertain purchase on color (the
picture tended to be dark pink and white.)
But there was new element to it: it was hooked up to something called
cable.
Cable was so new there that there wasn’t much on—it kept
repeating the same movie, Stormy Weather with Lena Horne, Bill Robinson,
Cab Calloway and an all Black cast, including the fabulous dance team of the
Nicholas Brothers. Evidently the cable was being tested with this apparently out-of-copyright film. Lucky for me--I must have seen
parts of it at least six times.
Cable came with a lot of publicity about its potential, but
for Greensburg, cable had one major appeal: reception. Television had always been prey to the
vagaries of rooftop antennas and rabbit ears wrapped in tinfoil on top of the
set, and their interactions with weather, geography, electrical disturbances and
interference. Some distant stations
drifted in and out, but for us even the Pittsburgh stations weren’t entirely
reliable, especially the educational (or now public) TV station WQED on channel
13.
But the perils of broadcasting over the air disappeared when
the signal reached the TV set directly through wires and cables. A few additional stations were more of a
bonus at that point.
Later in the 70s, there were more channels on cable, though
few of them were actually new. For the
major beneficiary of this technology turned out to be the small UHF
stations. The VHF (Very High
Frequency) signals were stronger. They occupied the first 13 channel
positions, though two adjacent channels were often considered too close to allow
stations to broadcast successfully on both.
The rest of the channels (14 to 83) were for UHF (Ultra High Frequency)
stations—that signal was innately weaker, so these stations had problems
transmitting across the topography of hills and valleys, especially in a place
like Pittsburgh that had plenty of both.
Nationally UHF stations struggled to survive.
But then came cable, which presented the UHF stations with a
level playing field—their signal was just as strong as the bigger VHF stations
when it went directly through the cable. The UHF stations could now be seen—but could their programs
compete? They didn’t have much money
for production, nor were many network affiliates. What they had however was syndication.
Usually a station could make money on a syndicated network
series if it had at least five years of episodes. But there was a show just coming onto the syndication market that
had only three years of shows before being cancelled by NBC in 1969. Some UHF channels took a chance on it, perhaps
noticing that since 1972 enthusiastic crowds had been showing up for
conventions honoring it, even when it was no longer on the air.
That show of course was
Star Trek. By programming it every day (opposite the
six p.m. news was a favorite time) syndication gave viewers an opportunity to immerse
in the particular Star Trek universe, and see its characters every day, like
friends or family. It became an immense
hit and a national phenomenon, often playing on multiple channels in the bigger
cities (including some VHS channels), and definitely competing for audience
share. By 1976, Star Trek was being
seen in 148 television markets in the U.S., and on 54 stations in other
countries.
Star Trek became a joyful sensation and an immediate part of
the culture. In 1975 I was the arts
section editor of an alternative weekly newspaper in Washington, D.C. (and
later its editor.) The staff was mostly
young and the office could get chaotic.
I was somehow seen as a voice of reason, and a calm presence—so my
office nickname became Spock. Once when
two staff members were arguing heatedly in the center of the room I walked up
behind them, applied the Vulcan neck pinch, and they both immediately fell to
the ground. That was the Star Trek
effect in the 1970s.
More than a half century after it first aired, Star Trek has several live action and animated TV series on the
Paramount streaming network, several decades after three live action series ran for seven years and
another for four years on cable TV in the 80s and 90s. The original Star Trek
cast made six feature films beginning in 1979, and other casts have so far made
seven more. Star Trek had the intrinsic
qualities that has supported its popularity and longevity, but this ongoing
empire really began because of the technical coincidence that the original series went into syndication at pretty
much the precise moment that UHF stations got onto cable TV systems.
Cable’s potential was vast, partly because transmissions
through the cable system weren’t restricted to the limited number of channels
that could come over the air, using the available frequencies. Cable could deliver an almost unlimited
number of channels, eventually with an additional device that also freed you from being
tethered to your set if you wanted to switch: it was called the remote.
But even if your main reason for hooking up to cable was to
improve your reception, the primary change cable brought about was this: you
had to pay to watch television. Not
just to buy the TV set, which until then was all you ever had to pay for to
watch TV. (Well, the antenna cost a few bucks.) But to get the programs, including everything you used to get
free, you now had to pay a fee, every month, to the company that hooked you up.
And it’s been like that ever since.
It’s probably long been forgotten that, in addition to the
promise of better reception for on-air stations, the argument used to lure
users was that cable would provide lots of new channels unique to cable—and since you were
paying a monthly free, the programs on those stations would be without
commercials. Advertising was only necessary to pay for programs when they were free.
Commercials! This
far into this series on early television and this singular phenomenon of the TV
commercial is only now appearing. Yet
the commercials are what television viewers are likely to recall (whether they
want to or not), even more than the programs.
For me, growing up with television meant watching on Howdy
Doody the simple drawings of Happy Tooth being threatened by Mr. Tooth
Decay, before the application of Colgate Dental Crème (It cleans your
breath—what a toothpaste—while it cleans your teeth!) or hearing the Halo
jingle (Halo, everybody, halo! Halo is the shampoo that glorifies your hair)
sung in its entirety by Frank Sinatra on the Jimmy Durante Show.
My contemporaries may not recall Playhouse 90 but start the
jingle
You’ll wonder where the yellow went, and they’ll finish it:
when
you brush your teeth with Pepsodent.
Even Winky Dink or Soupy Sales may have faded from memory before the
quartet in the bathtub singing
Ajax, the foaming cleanser (baba baba ba ba
bom) floats the dirt right down the drain!
Or Speedy Alka-Seltzer crooning
Plop plop fizz fizz oh what a
relief it is!
The repetition of commercial phrases burns into the brain (
You
never outgrow your need for milk, Only you can prevent forest fires, that’s a
speesy spicy meatball, where’s the beef?)
We saw live pitches by the stars of the show (Commander Corey of the
Space Patrol leaving the Terra V in jeopardy to join Cadet Happy in extolling
the merits of Nestles Crunch or cocoa) evolve into shorter special effects fantasies, and
then even shorter ones. There might a
cascade of four, five or six frenetic, intense, boldly absurd and insistent messages in a row.
So by the 70s there were so many commercials bunched
together in the breaks that it was more than possible to lose the thread of the
show—or to lose interest in it. From their 1950s beginnings, when they either presented serious arguments for why this product is better, or appealing little fantasies like Speedy Alka-Seltzer. But all too soon they became boldly false hyperactive scenarios championing the trivial--they set the template of disingenuous television lying that's been followed ever since, by infomercials, certain cable news channels and certain politicians.
The experience of being subjected to commercials became more than distraction—this loud, relentless grinning assault was demoralizing. (Although there were—and are—aficionados who care more about
commercials than what they sponsor.
Witness the immense attention to the TV ads on the Super Bowl, often
eclipsing the ink on the game itself.)
Sure enough, once viewers were hooked, commercials began to creep onto cable shows, as
indeed they began to appear on public broadcasting. The template for what happened later on the Internet (with
YouTube, for example) and streaming was set: create a market, establish market
share with ad-free programs or sites, and quickly buy up the competition. Then when alternatives have faded and the customers are hooked into
the habit, start up the ad machines.
Another promise of cable was that it could—no, that it
would—bring very different kinds of programs into the American home. There were so many potential cable channels
that they didn’t all have to be used for common denominator programs—they could
bring true variety and specialized programs that didn’t require a mass
audience. There could be a channel for
classical music, and for plays, and for more in-depth documentaries and
discussions of public issues than the networks could find time to broadcast. There could be a channel for every sport,
channels for hobbies and games—a chess channel! A knitting channel!

Each new communications medium arrived with the same promise
of bringing culture, information and education to the public. That included
television itself, and to some extent, the networks tried. NBC had its own
orchestra (though a holdover from radio days), and there was more opera, classical music and dance on early TV than
there was by the 1970s, especially outside PBS. Even in the 60s and 70s, talk shows routinely had prominent
writers and a few artists and scientists as guests.
In the beginning, cable seemed like it might even succeed
where network TV had failed. One of the
first production companies for cable, an outfit called Home Box Office, showed
at least its New York audience a series of complex lectures on a Jungian
approach to myth by Joseph Campbell. Needless to say, HBO moved on from there. (A decade later Bill Moyers would provide
better context and production values to his PBS version of The Powers of
Myth with Joseph Campbell.)
Cable saw innovations that changed culture, such as Ted
Turner’s news channels and MTV. But instead of expanding choice to include arts
and intelligence, these subjects were blithely labeled as elitist, and television expanded on
its previous path.
An early national cable channel called itself Arts and
Entertainment, and for awhile the arts actually were represented. When A&E faltered, a new channel called
Bravo! took up the slack to focus on performances. The Discovery channel was to focus on science, the History
Channel on history, the American Movie Channel showed old movies, and so on.
By now they have all largely succumbed to the same lowest
common denominator competition as the broadcast networks, especially the latest form of crass "reality"shows. A&E and Bravo became mere corporate
names without identity, Discovery began to specialize in sharks and the
pseudo-science equivalents of conspiracy theories, and the History Channel
became better known as the Hitler Channel.
Eventually most became either amorphous holdings of larger conglomerates,
or the sponsoring conglomerate itself.
Some specialized channels and programs did result,
especially in areas of sports and recreation.
The great dream of competitive skydiving and skateboarding on TV was
realized. But even this was mostly more
of the same. Thus the Bruce Springsteen
song: 57 Channels (and Nothin’ On.)
(He has since increased the number of channels in performance.)
Yet another potential of cable hyped at the beginning was
the possibility of two-way communication on television through the cable. In the late 70s, the corporate entity then
known as Warner Communications wired the city of Columbus, Ohio with a two-way
system they called Qube. I researched
and wrote an article about this experiment, which involved spending a week or
so in Columbus observing the system and how it was used. I also reviewed another two-way system and
delved into the history and politics of cable up to that point.
The Columbus experiment centered on the Qube console,
precursor to the remote, though more the size of a Star Trek tricorder. Its buttons were color-coded: blue for
regular broadcast television channels, red for premium channels (concerts,
movies and the world’s first but not last 24 hour channel of softcore
porn), and green for so-called
Community programming, all produced by Warner just for this experiment. But the innovative attractions were the five
buttons on the far right: the response buttons, used for the green channels.
When a response is requested by somebody on the screen for a
yes/no question or something more like multiple choice, with the magic words
“Touch now!” the viewer makes a
selection and within six seconds that response is received, then tabulated with
others and the results instantly appeared.
The questions could be from town planners asking if there is
enough small-unit housing (Strongly agree/ Agree/ Neutral/ Disagree/Strongly
disagree) or a publishing survey asking which face you’d like to see on the
cover of Us Magazine, with five choices.
But mostly they were the kind of questions I witnessed
during the afternoon teen show, in which five female high school students at a
local swimming pool peeled back a bit of their swimsuits, and the host asked
viewers at home to vote on who had the best tan line. As well as what kind of bathing suit female viewers wore (the
result: one piece 54%, two piece 46%.)
I also watched the Columbus equivalent of the Gong Show, with viewers at
home anonymously—and liberally-- wielding the gong.
And a talk show with an insurance agent as guest, who
viewers could contact through their Qube box.
But unlike guests on normal TV talk shows who were paid a fee or
appeared for free, it turned out that unbeknownst to viewers the insurance man
was paying to be on the show. He was his
own secret commercial. This stealth precursor to the “infomercial” turned out
to be a routine Qube practice. When I mentioned the paying “guest” to a viewing
couple they weren’t really surprised. A
lot of products were being named. When I questioned Qube officials about this
subterfuge, they were puzzled that anybody might object, but suggested
corporate might reconsider the practice.
Qube did construct an Electronic Town Meeting for one
municipality in the Columbus area, but it was more sterile gloss than
substance, heavily controlled by the regular evening talk show duo, whose
questions to viewers normally were on the level of naming the studio cat.
Meanwhile, another experiment was ongoing in Reading and Berks County, Pennsylvania in a different kind of participatory television, organized by the Alternative Media Center at New York University. It started by linking senior
centers and grew to encompass the entire system. Programs were generated by the users themselves. I read the NYU report and spoke with Eileen
Connell, who worked with participants, training them on how to use the
equipment and listening to what they wanted the system to do, which determined
how the system was designed.
It was a long and
apparently fascinating process, and eventually yielded surprising results. For
example, a participant in one program
mentioned labor troubles in Reading fifty years before, and it struck a
chord—seemingly for the first time, many people shared their recollections, and
teachers and younger people got in touch, because this was local history that
had never been written down. Contrast
this with Qube’s attempt at a pre-fab nostalgia program about Columbus, which
became one of its first programs to be cancelled.
The Qube system demanded what has come to be regarded as
professional television, and though it decried the mediocrity of broadcast TV,
it replicated it. The Reading system set out to prove that effective use of
television—and specifically interactive TV--didn’t have to be all that professional.
I watched a tape of one such program, a community meeting from Reading: there was
sweat, fits of temper, tears, boring monologues, fierce debates, ambushes of
humor, and large dollops of something rare on polished TV: sincerity. The program wasn’t about a process—it was
the process.
“It’s a very down-home system,” Connell told me. “It’s not
snappy but it’s remarkably effective.
It had an extraordinary effect on how people saw themselves.” The Reading system did silly entertainment programs and
programs with a very local character (“Tell It To Eben and Herb”) but their
interactive programs were serious, yet no more technically sophisticated than
someone asking a question on a split screen with someone answering it: “The
noun and the verb of the system,” Connell called it.
That was the key, and the major problem with the Qube
response system and all subsequent iterations everywhere: “People in the Qube
system can answer what’s asked of them, but they aren’t in control of the
questions,” Eileen Connell observed. “It’s even more important who asks the questions
than who answers.”
When I visited Qube
in Columbus, the executives there expressed the desire for “a bigger universe,”
a bigger city or cities in which to demonstrate Qube’s capabilities. One such city about to make a decision on a
cable system was Pittsburgh, and Warner wanted it.
But Pittsburgh had a number of suitors, and there was a
process. This is another feature of cable that has slipped into history: local
control. From the beginning, each
municipality had to decide on one cable company to provide service. There couldn’t be competing cable providers
in the same area, the argument went, because having more than one was
technically difficult, expensive and confusing, as supposedly discovered in the
days of competing telephone systems, each with its own wires.
In the early days of cable, I learned in my research, the
awarding of cable contracts was sometimes, perhaps often, accomplished by the
tried and true system of bribery and graft.
There were so-called “whiskey franchises,” in which officials got a case
of Canadian Club in exchange for the sole right to wire their
municipality. Others were reputedly
more expensive—like a cool million.
Some local officials went to jail for graft, others learned to have themselves hired as
“consultants” for hefty fees.
Local professional reporters told me that as far as they
could determine, the Pittsburgh process was clean. Pittsburgh had a cable
ordinance and a committee to evaluate suitors.
I spoke to the chair of that committee who was suspicious of Qube, its
expense and its insistence on control.
“But this is Pittsburgh—our neighborhoods, our hills, our winters,” he
said. “We know our city better than any company does. I think we know what we need.”
A sticking point was the public access channels. Cable systems were required to have them,
since they were considered “common carriers” under the law, owned by everyone.
(That same NYU Alternative Media Center was largely behind the adoption of this
practice.) But Qube didn’t want to cede
control of any of its channels.
That negotiation went on past the time I finished my story and I’m not sure how it turned out. But in a way it didn't matter--soon the Supreme Court decided that cable systems weren’t common
carriers after all--they were corporate persons who could do what they
liked. Congress hurriedly passed a new
telecommunications law which said that municipalities “may” require public
access channels, with public control of them.
In the years since, increasingly large cable companies have
managed to convince some municipalities that pubic access isn’t necessary. Where they exist, these channels aren’t
often lively or creative, and certainly not interactive. They cablecast city council meetings and
other official events open to the public, which public officials tend to like,
partly for the same reason that the only truly public television nationally are C-Span channels that mostly give air time to Senators and Representatives:
politicians love to be on TV.
While there used to be debates in some municipalities before
franchises were awarded and even when they were up for renewal in 10 or 12
years (when companies can be held accountable for not living up to their
promises), I haven’t noticed any public discussion of renewal requirements for
years. Renewals seem depressingly
automatic.
Though Warner succeeded in wiring larger cities with the
Qube promise in subsequent years—including Pittsburgh—Qube itself never quite
caught on. There were privacy concerns
(people were quaintly resistant to their two-way responses being stored in the
Qubemasters’ computer) and continuing high costs. Its system of two-way television faded away.
Meanwhile, the Alternative Media Center’s Reading experiment
yielded what is now called Berks Community Television, thriving in the 21st
century.
Aspects of Qube did
influence cable television. It refined how pay-per-view might work, and it
developed programs—especially the shows for children-- that later cable
channels adapted. It also presaged commerce-driven shopping channels and program-length commercials styled as talk shows. But in several ways
it was more of a dress rehearsal for the Internet.
For example, shopping from home. A few years after my visit to Columbus I was in Las Vegas
covering an International Council of Shopping Centers convention, where I
attended a session on electronic shopping.
Qube was mentioned but the presentation focused on an experimental
system in France that used a device hooked up to the telephone system.
These retailers knew that electronic shopping was coming,
they just didn’t know when or how. A few years later there were home computers, and over the next decade or so the question was answered. By showing how home shopping might work, Qube was a kind of proof of concept for Internet commerce.
The public access interactive part of the Reading experiment didn’t influence
subsequent cable television much, but it did produce one dry run for Internet
systems like Zoom. That Berks experiment
modeled the possibility of local, small scale, face-to-face participation, if
not participatory democracy, which may have mitigated the vicious incivility
that became the norm in anonymous and faceless Facebook and other online
venues.
In any case, cable television’s
potential to be much more than centralized, corporate television has largely
failed. Its fading legacy in this
regard seems bequeathed to the corporate giants battling for streaming market
share. The small screen (which is not so small anymore) is one big Marvel
movie.
By the 1980s, cable assumed the shape it maintained for
decades. The local cable system—more and more part of a conglomerate—offered
packages of local broadcast channels (UHF and VHF) and a few from afar, the
growing number of cable channels, and the premium channels like HBO that ran
recent movies and the occasional big name pop concert. There might be a public access channel,
often with little programming on it.
There were a few cable news channels—mostly just CNN Headline News at
first (Lynn Russell was mesmerizing) and a couple of channels that told you
what was on the other channels.
The premium
channels became known for softcore porn and for surprising Hollywood by making
some of its theatrical rejects into hits. I discovered a few myself (for
example, the lovely Jane Seymour/ Christopher Reeve Somewhere In Time,
and the paradigm of this category, Eddie and the Cruisers), and was glad
for the opportunity. However, my most
enduring cable memory of this early period is falling asleep one night to a
movie I’d turned on halfway through, until I was awakened by a familiar voice:
it was an old friend and actor from college, Ric Newman. By the time the voice
registered, he was gone from the screen.
I had to stay awake for the credits to make sure I hadn’t been
hallucinating. (I hadn’t.)
.jpg)
I had cable when I moved to Pittsburgh, and it enabled me to
watch Michael Jordan's Chicago Bulls games on a Chicago channel. I watched C-Span, especially the heroic Brian Lamb and Book
TV. I think it was a public access channel that showed a lengthy and enlightening discussion on adult children of alcoholics by a couple of those adult children. I didn’t have premium channels but
didn’t miss them.
In our corner of California, corporate cable became more and
more expensive and oppressive, and like many others, I cut the cable. So I didn’t see the run of “viral” HBO
series around 2007, though I wasn’t really interested. I saw a few episodes of AMC’s Mad Men,
and that was enough—I could see it was going to be an endless soap opera. I even passed on The Sopranos—it
seemed an extension of The Godfather, and by then I was angrily tired of
seeing Italians portrayed only as Mafia gangsters. Mostly what I missed were new Doctor Who episodes, by then
on BBC America.
Eventually the cable
company got its vengeance, as Internet providers folded or were bought up, and
there were only two left: our old friends The Phone Company ( AT&T) and The Cable Company
(itself bought up and its name changed twice.)
Then once the cable company—eventually called Suddenlink for
awhile, now Optimum—dominated Internet market share as well as the waning cable monopoly, it boosted prices into the
stratosphere, and its customer service is nonexistent. No one can get them on the phone (not that
this is too unusual in dealing with today’s corporate barons.) It deals with
customers with sarcastic arrogance.
For most viewers,
cable is the source for streaming, which at the moment is undergoing a shakeout
that has the potential of reducing its offerings dramatically. Monopoly cable could well be the
future.
Despite all this, television in the 70s and beyond helped me
through some dubious times, which is the subject of the next and last episodes.